As I stated in the Introduction, it is difficult to analyse sexism in the way that
Second Wave feminists did in the past, because of changes in gender relations
and in sexism itself. However, it is nevertheless important to be able to describe
the forms that overt sexism takes, since it is clear that sexism does make an
impact on the lives of women and men. There have been changes in the way
that people use language in the public sphere so that sexist language and other
discriminatory forms of language are no longer tolerated, or at least are less
tolerated than they were.1 However, it seems as if it is no longer possible to
agree on what constitutes overt sexism, even when it is clear to the hearer/reader
that sexism was intended. Pauwels (1998: 67) notes:
The alleged existence of a male bias in language use and its discriminatory and detrimental
effect on women as language users are not (at all) unanimously acknowledged
or accepted by the speech community at large.
Whilst people still use language to be sexist, they perhaps do not always do so
using the terms which have been used in the past and they may use these terms
ironically or humorously to deflect the responsibility for sexism (see Chapter 5).
Most models of sexism in the past have assumed that sexism is intentional; as
Zwicky (1997: 25) argues: ‘By their choice of words, people are actively
negotiating conceptualisations as personal and political acts.’ It is essential to
maintain a balance between recognising the institutional nature of sexism and
recognising that individuals can intervene in the way that sexism develops. If
we characterise language as ‘a sort of triffid: an organic growth that develops
a life and will of its own’, then it will not be possible to describe the human agents at work in perpetuating sexist ideas, and sexist elements within the
language will be seen as unchallengeable by human intervention (Cameron,
1990: 18). If however sexist language is viewed as the result of human intervention
in negotiation with discursive norms, it may be possible to bring about
change.
Sexism is still a form of language use which affects conversations, one’s
views of other people and one’s own place within society. However, we need
to ask ourselves what is it we are claiming about the force of sexist language
and what actions feminists are proposing to counter sexism. As Butler asks:
When we claim to have been injured by language, what kind of claim do we make? We
ascribe an agency to language, a power to injure, and position ourselves as the objects
of its injurious trajectory. We claim that language acts and acts against us and the claim
we make is a further instance of language, one which seeks to arrest the force of the
prior instance. Thus we exercise the force of language even as we seek to counter its
force, caught up in a bind that no act of censorship can undo. (Butler, 1997: 1)
However, surely it needs to be understood that when we make accusations of
sexism we are not simply claiming to be ‘injured by language’. What we are
injured by is a system which seems to condone such discrimination, and viewing
this particular instance of sexism as indicative of wider social discrimination.
Butler seems here to be arguing that any attempt to challenge sexism is simply
‘a further instance of language’ which will not change the way that language
is used or the way people behave. And yet, feminist campaigns about language
have done more than ‘arrest the force of the prior instance’; they have, in fact,
challenged the conventionalised thinking which informs such utterances and
those discursive structures within society which condone sexist statements.
Feminist interventions call not only for a change of usage but also they call
for critical thinking about gender relations, and as such they should be seen as
more than an attempt to ban certain usages. Thus, I would disagree with Butler
that we are simply caught up in language if we attempt to call for reform or
change of usage; our interventions are calling for more than language change.
In the introduction, I mentioned Sunderland’s (2004) notion of ‘damaging
discourses’. Rather than assuming that individual language items injure an individual,
she focuses on the effect of discourses which are potentially damaging
both to the individual and to the group who are being maligned. However, she
stresses that ‘even if a word is agreed to be sexist in a particular context – for
example a derogatory term intended to be abusive by a speaker and taken as
abusive by a hearer – “damage” may not be a result’ (Sunderland, 2004: 192).
Instead, she insists that we consider the way that the individual abusive term
must be seen in the context of the discourses within the society as a whole
which either affirm or contest sexism: ‘any potential “damage” from a given gendered discourse within the nexus must be seen in the light of these discoursal
relations’ (Sunderland, 2004: 194). So damage cannot accrue from one
usage but will only happen in the light of the combined effect of links between
discourses and the position of institutions in relation to those discourses.
Sexist statements categorise you as belonging to a group which you do not
associate yourself with or associate you with a set of values which you do not
value and which you recognise as negatively evaluated, for example when an
insult term such as ‘slag’ is used about you which positions you in a role which
you do not recognise. Butler (1997: 4) argues:
To be injured by speech is to suffer a loss of context, that is, not to know where you
are. Indeed, it may be that what is unanticipated about the injurious speech act is what
constitutes its injury, the sense of putting its addressee out of control.
This sense of sexism or racism ‘putting [you] out of control’ is important as you
are not defining yourself but being defined. However, it is clear that, although
the unexpectedness of sexist comments is crucial (for example, one does not
expect sexual comments in the workplace), I would take issue with Butler that
this means that the addressee ‘[does not] know where you are’. In a sense, this
is precisely the problem, because you know exactly the position to which you
are being relegated, but this position is not one that you recognise for yourself
– you do not identify with this position.
Butler argues that we are constituted in language and we rely upon interpellation
(that is, the process whereby we are incessantly called upon by language
to recognise ourselves as a particular type of person) in order to be an individual.
Sexism and racism have an impact on us since we are ‘dependent on the
address of the Other in order to be’ (Butler, 1997: 26).2 However, this view of
interpellation, whereby we are called into existence by the address of the Other,
in strict Althusserian terms, does not capture the complexity of our constitution
as subjects and individuals. The role of discourse in the process of the constitution
of the subject is not a simple one and what Althusser (1984) and Butler
have not considered is the way that we are constituted by different discourses.
Feminism, anti-racism, gay and lesbian campaigns and disability rights discourses
have all played a role in the constitution of our identity and what we
think is permissible to say. The discourses of sexism, racism and homophobia
are all in conflict with these more progressive discourses. We negotiate with those discourses, challenging some and affirming others, but rarely simply taking
discourses on board wholesale (Benwell and Stokoe, 2006). Intervention
by activists to change language is productive social action. Sunderland (2004:
199) argues: ‘If gendered discourses can and do damage, the feminist project
entails attempting to redress this. Feminism recognises the possibility of change
and strives for it, including through explicit contestation of the existing social
order through language’ (original emphasis). Thus, feminist anti-sexist interventions
should not be seen as trivial tinkering with language, but as political
action.
In the 1970s and 1980s, it seemed very clear to many feminists what sexism
was. Sexism was defined as language which discriminated against women
by representing them negatively or which seemed to implicitly assume that
activities primarily associated with women were necessarily trivial (VetterlingBraggin,
1981). The aim of feminists therefore was to call attention to the way in
which the use of certain language items seemed to systematically discriminate
against and cause offence to women, by compiling lists of such language
items in dictionaries and calling for people and institutions to avoid such
language use (Kramarae and Treichler, 1985; Doyle, 1994; Miller and Swift,
1982/1989; Mills, 1989; Mills, 1995b; Schultz, 1990; Graham, 1975/2006).
That lexicographical work has been important in calling attention to overt
sexist language, but perhaps it needs to be made more complex, so that overt
sexism is seen as only one type of sexism, meaning that we need to analyse
the other types of sexism which have arisen more recently in response to these
feminist campaigns.
1 For example, in the UK, homophobic abuse is something which is treated much more seriously by the police than before, and some police forces (for example Greater Manchester Police Authority) have issued guidelines and protocols on how to deal with such language, which it labels clearly as ‘hate speech’. They have also clarified the police’s role in defending the victims of homophobic abuse. The UK government has tried to introduce legislation about racist abuse and has thus given an institutional basis for anyone complaining about racism. Racist abuse of football players is now something which the British football regulatory body FIFA acts upon, by imposing financial penalties on clubs who do not act against racism and whose fans abuse players using racist terminology.
2 For Butler, the notion of the Other, that is, a being almost diametrically opposed to yourself against whom you define yourself, is very important. The Other was developed within psychoanalytic theory to describe the process whereby the Self developed in relation to this Other. However, although it is difficult to engage with such concepts briefly, I would argue that it is not a useful concept, since the self is clearly constructed from a range of experiences with many different types of other individuals, some of whom are characterised as similar to oneself and some of whom are seen as different, some of whom are important for one’s development and some of whom have little impact.
1 For example, in the UK, homophobic abuse is something which is treated much more seriously by the police than before, and some police forces (for example Greater Manchester Police Authority) have issued guidelines and protocols on how to deal with such language, which it labels clearly as ‘hate speech’. They have also clarified the police’s role in defending the victims of homophobic abuse. The UK government has tried to introduce legislation about racist abuse and has thus given an institutional basis for anyone complaining about racism. Racist abuse of football players is now something which the British football regulatory body FIFA acts upon, by imposing financial penalties on clubs who do not act against racism and whose fans abuse players using racist terminology.
2 For Butler, the notion of the Other, that is, a being almost diametrically opposed to yourself against whom you define yourself, is very important. The Other was developed within psychoanalytic theory to describe the process whereby the Self developed in relation to this Other. However, although it is difficult to engage with such concepts briefly, I would argue that it is not a useful concept, since the self is clearly constructed from a range of experiences with many different types of other individuals, some of whom are characterised as similar to oneself and some of whom are seen as different, some of whom are important for one’s development and some of whom have little impact.
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